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The Senators

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The Senators, another story from the book of  THE MARTYRS OF THE COLISEUM. A story of historical events that keeps repeating over and over again. Think about today  and read the story. It must be remembered that this book was written in 1874.

 

 
THE SENATORS


THE Senate was the grandest institution of pagan Rome. Outside the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, there never was an assembly more powerful, more united, more lasting. It has passed through the wars, the storms and vicissitudes of twenty-five centuries, and still exists. Springing from obscurity, it moved insensibly into power, until it ruled the world. It rose amid a band of fugitives, truant slaves, and highwaymen—was founded by Romulus about 750 B.C. It consisted first of a hundred of the oldest and most respectable men of the little colony of exiles and slaves that settled down among the Seven Hills ; hence its name of Senate, or assembly of old men or fathers. It was increased to two hundred when the rape of the Sabines brought a union between the two tribes. Under Tarquin the number was raised to three hundred, and under the Emperors, it reached as high as a thousand. All power was placed in their hands. The chief magistrate, although he bore the title of king, was but the commander of the army, and presided over the religion of the state. The Senate declared war or peace, and treated with the ambassadors of other nations. They wore a different kind of dress from the ordinary people; they had a special place appointed for them in he Coliseum and in all public functions , they were forbidden to traffic or intermarry with the persons of base extraction. Amongst the prohibited were actresses, and their daughters and grand-daughters. An ancient writer gives a detailed idea of the powers reserved to the Senate.  In the days of its glory it was the sole source and centre of the power and greatness of Rome. "Nothing," says Polybius, "could go in or out of the treasury without its consent ; it was the highest administration of the state. It judged the differences which arose between the cities and provinces that submitted to the Empire; it corrected or defended them when necessary. It enrolled the army and supplied their pay ; it sent its consuls to the battlefield, and recalled them at will, or sent other generals to replace them; it declared the triumph and measured the glory of the conqueror; no public monument could be raised to the memory of the great without its consent. It was in fine the grand court of appeal for the nations of the earth—the sole representative of the Roman people."

If we add to their unlimited legal power the ascendancy that the senators of Rome must have naturally gained from their wealth, their personal merit, their patriotism and their union, we can easily understand how they influenced the destinies of so many nations.

When we read the annals of this great institution, we are struck with the gravity of its debates, and the boldness and independence of its acts, ever mingled and directed by prudence and foresight. No authority was recognized among them but reason ; instead of party spirit, jealousy, and partiality, one grand and noble feeling presided over their assembly, and guided their actions—it was the public good. This was the secret of their triumph and their power.

The early history of the Senate is wrapt up in the history of Rome itself, and is inseparable from it. But, as the events we are about to relate took place in that era of Rome in which the Coliseum flourished, we must glance at its character at that time during those days of persecution.

After the political convulsions that shook the Empire, drove Cicero in exile, and placed Caesar at the head of affairs, the Senate received a blow from which it never recovered. The form of the Roman government was completely changed; the people, who had conquered the patricians, yielded up all their rights to their chief, and the whole power of the Empire became concentrated in one man. Caesar assumed the title of Dictator and Emperor, and therewith the rights of the Supreme Pontiff, the authority of the censors, and of the praetorship. Thus he controlled the treasury—had the right of declaring peace or war—the disposition of the provinces, and the election of the magistrates. His ambition was fatal to the power of the Senate, and although it continued its meetings, and sustained the splendour of its former prestige, yet it was nothing more than a political assembly, a grand council of the state, that enjoyed only as much power as its ambitious chief consented to give.

It is not, however, to be supposed that the Senators submitted to these changes without a murmur. A spirit of envy and indignation showed itself in their public and private actions , and the first Emperor was too sharp-sighted not to see a terrible revenge flashing from a hundred poniards in the very halls of the Senate. A policy of conciliation only retarded the fatal blow. He knew their power even in the very memories of the past; and although he had triumphed over them as the idol of a mob, yet he could not afford to trample on the patricians and lose their support.

His policy was to neutralize the opposition of the inheritors of the old patrician power, by adding to their number from his own most devoted followers, and he immediately raised the Senate to nine hundred; he increased in proportion the number of magistrates, and filled some of the most important offices with his own adherents. It was by this means that men from the provinces of Etruria and Lucania, and Venetians, Insubrians, and others, barbarian and illiterate, were poured in to deteriorate and corrupt the great patriarchal institution of the Empress City. This roused more than ever the indignation of the aristocratic party, and even the great Cicero murmured, and his powerful pen accelerated the ruin that was coming. Suetonius tells us, that nothing could be heard but verses and songs ridiculing the new senators; galling insinuations, that they were a conquered race of barbarians, and that Caesar had made them change their skins for the laticlave. On the Pasquin of that time (most probably the same old disfigured statue that stands at one of the angles of the Braschi Palace) were put up notices to this effect : " Let no one show the strangers the way to the Forum."

The indignation of the old patricians went on increasing. Though robbed and humbled, they were resolute and determined. Their discontent at last burst out into passion and fury, and, led on by the impetuous Brutus, they resolved on Caesar's death. He fell. His bleeding body was still lying at the base of Pompey's statue in the Forum, whilst the forty wretches who had assassinated him rushed through the streets with their daggers in their hands, still reeking with the blood of the Dictator, and crying out: "Death to all tyrants." Yet their triumph was but temporary. That venerable body did not recover its power and prestige by violence and bloodshed ; they will not recover it now; the decrees of Providence are against it; it may exist, but will never again rule the world.

The revolution of the Ides of March, as it is called, robbed the world of its greatest man. Brutus boasted of having slain a tyrant, but the provinces wept over Caesar's death. The cry of grief and public mourning that rose through the whole Empire was the condemnation of the murderers. It was evident to all that the Jealousy and ambition of a body of factious citizens caused the death of Caesar, not the true love of liberty, nor zeal for the welfare of the state." They called themselves slayers of a tyrant," says Dion Cassius, a senator himself, who lived about a century afterwards, " but they were nothing more than assassins and murderers " (No. xliv. l).

Caesar was beloved in the provinces. Its magistrates, the army, and even the greater part of the Senate, lamented his fall. The outer world cared nothing about the supremacy of the Senate. What advantage did they reap from the politics or agitations of the Roman Forum? As long as they enjoyed liberty, prosperity and justice from their acknowledged chief, why should they espouse the cause of the Senate? Moreover, the assembly itself had fallen from its pristine integrity. Its effeminacy, its partiality, and departure from the rigor and patriotism of its ancient institution, drew on it contempt rather than submission and admiration. Long before the monarchy of Caesar, the great Cicero spoke these remarkable words, indicating its moral as well as political degeneration :—"It is on account of our vices, and not from any stroke of fortune, that, although we preserve the name of a republic, we have long since lost the reality."—-" Nostris, non casu aliquo, rempublicam verbo retinemus, reipsa vero jam pridem amisimus."—De Repub. v. i.

The blood of Caesar was shed in vain ; the anarchical faction of the Senate never held the reins of government; the poniards that slew him commenced for the Senate the most terrible and disastrous period of its career. In the civil wars and convulsions that followed, they not only lost the last vestige of their former power, but became the victims of the caprice or revenge of the ambitious aspirants to the supreme power of the Empire.

Augustus assumed, the scepter of Caesar. His reorganization of the Senate was one of the most splendid, because most difficult, feats of his successful reign. By 1118 influence he caused nearly two hundred of its members, who were not fitted by birth or talent for their high position and honours, to resign their places. He calmed their suspicions, and concealed his ambition by assuming the humble title of Prince of the Senate. Nevertheless, during the time that was occupied in this work of reformation, he never appeared amongst them without having near him nine or ten of his most faithful adherents, who were secretly armed, and he himself carried his dagger under his toga. He prudently feared their resentment. Eleven years afterwards, in the year 18 before Christ, he completed the organization, and reduced their number to six hundred; and thus commenced the imperial Senate.

It is unnecessary to follow the noble institution in its after career of servility and degradation during the reign of the succeeding Emperors.

After the abdication of Diocletian, and the triumph of Constantine, the Senate struggled on in its hereditary existence. Its name was torn from the Capitol and the military standards: in its place was substituted the more formidable and imperishable sign of redemption. The statue and altar of Victory, which presided as a tutelary deity over its assemblies, were removed under Constance, brought back under the apostate Julian, and finally destroyed by their own unanimous consent. There were still many among them who clung to the old rites of paganism; but, ever docile to the command of the Emperor, under Theodosius the worship of the gods of the Capitol was proscribed, and Christianity declared to be the religion of the Senate and Roman people. "It was then," says the sublime Prudens, "that we saw those venerable fathers, those most brilliant lights of the world, the noble council of Catos, cast off the insignia of the old priesthood, and humbly clothe themselves in the white robe of catechumens."

"Exnitare patres videas, pulcherrima inundi

Lumina, conciliumque senum gesture Catonum,

Candidiore toga nivenm pietatis amictnm

Sum ere, et exuvias deponere pontificales."

Whilst, however, the power and independence of the Senate had passed away, it must not be forgotten that it was still the highest and most influential body in the Empire. Its members were the nobles of the land, and possessed immense wealth. According to Dion Cassius a senator's fortune amounted to a million sesterces ; and if we believe Suetonius, some of them had annually a return equal to two million sesterces, about £105,000, which should be multiplied by ten to arrive at even a proximate idea of the value of money at that time. In a city of at least 3,000,000 of people, they were the principal and leading members. The usurpers of the imperial throne persecuted them, because they knew and feared their power. Moreover, when historians make sweeping assertions respecting the immorality and effeminacy of the great assembly, there must have been amongst them brilliant exceptions. History itself records names of honour and worth which flourished in the Senate in its very worst days ; many of these were Christians, and even martyrs, who shed their blood in the Coliseum in defense of the faith.

 

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